By Isabel Alfonso Anton, Professor of Arabic Hugh Kennedy, Julio Escalona Monge

This quantity offers a range of papers exploring the methods through which medieval powers sought to legitimize themselves, the political discourses during which this used to be effected, and a variety of comparable difficulties. The six chapters partly I examine specific instances within which strategies of legitimation could be noticeable at paintings, so as to disentangle the wide variety of recommendations and assets deployed through competing actors in a given context. half II gathers 5 articles discussing the categorical discourses of legitimation contained in a textual content or staff of similar texts, that allows you to disclose their intricacies and their touching on the way in which historians examine their resources. The e-book purports to be of relevance for readers drawn to new methods of drawing close the heritage of energy. With contributions via Frances Andrews, Carlos Estepa, Paul Fouracre, Chris Given-Wilson, Piotr G?recki, Patrick Henriet, Jos? Antonio Jara Fuente, Cristina Jular P?rez-Alfaro and Stephen D. White.

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Extra resources for Building Legitimacy: Political Discourses and Forms of Legitimacy in Medieval Societies (Medieval Mediterranean)

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16 These, it seems, were people who did not often ‘invite the count in’, or if they were counts, they 15 Fouracre (2000a). See for instance Edict of Paris (614) c. 15, and the Capitulary of Herstal (778) cc. 9, 14. Complaints against the harmful power of potentes go back to late Roman legislation, and the opposition between ‘powerful’ and ‘weak’ is in part rhetorical. Morris (1976) on the rhetoric of ‘powerful’ and ‘weak’ in tenth century Byzantine legislation. 16   10 were no doubt the sort of counts who took the property of others without being invited.

It is significant that the term ‘district’ was later used for such units, ,      23 for the term is the past participle of distringere, and the very root of the count’s power was the right to distrain, a right which had actually been sharpened by the Carolingian regime. From the tenth century onwards we see within the districtus a greater emphasis on custom, consuetudines, but these were changing from that custom which protected the rights of free people against the arbitrary use of power by the count, into rights which the count exploited to his own advantage.

19 the kingdom in a very practical sense. The Carolingian answer to tradition was to represent the new dynasty as dynamic where the old had been sluggish, thus yet again making the point that the name of kings should reside where the power was. This theme works its way even into the simplest of narratives. For the year 790, for instance, the Royal Frankish Annals had virtually nothing to report: Charlemagne did nothing of note that year. But a generation later, the Revised version of the Annals expanded the 790 entry with the remark that ‘the king, lest he should be thought of as becoming sluggish through inactivity’, travelled up and down the River Main.

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