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Additional resources for Case, Referentiality and Phrase Structure (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today, LA 77)
As seen in (58), when an intransitive verb in Turkish is causativized the causee receives accusative case. 14 However, when a theme incorporation case as in (60a) is causativized in Turkish, the causee has to be dative-assigned, as in (60b). Assigning accusative to the causee leads to ungrammaticality, as seen in (60c). Although there is no overt accusative-marked object, the bare noun is considered to be associated with accusative case, forcing the causee to be marked in dative case. This implies that under causativization, theme incorporation cases are treated as transitive constructions.
Ali kitabh zl h zl oku-du. ” b. Ali h zl h zl kitaboku-du. 4 The third option is to consider the [+predicative, -argument] type for Turkish. This implies that all arguments should be introduced by overt or covert determiners, as in the case of Romance languages. However, as discussed above, there are no morphological determiners in Turkish. This will lead to the claim that Turkish should have an abstract DP projection which converts predicative NPs into arguments. 5 Longobardi (1994) presents convincing evidence for N-to-D movement in Italian, which supports the claim that Italian has a D projection to host the movement of the N head: (16) a.
Ali kitap ald ve satt . ” Further evidence is provided for the non-head (phrasal) status of the incorporated noun by modification possibilities. It is possible to modify the incorporated noun by an adjective as in (56a) and by participles as in (56b) and (56c): CASE, REFERENTIALITY AND PHRASE STRUCTURE 40 (56) a. Ali ek i elma yedi. ” b. Ali konu -acak insan arad . ” c. Ali oku-yacak kitap ald . ” The evidence given in (53)-(56) clearly indicates that immediately preverbal bare nouns are not head categories, but independent syntactic constituents.